DNA Testing and the Melungeons

This is published with permission from the Melungeon Historical Society. The following article was written for the Society by Roberta Estes, and is a great aid in understanding DNA and how it works.

By Roberta Estes
restes@comcast.net
Copyright 2006-2008

DNA testing has become an integral part of any genealogical endeavor, generally as part of a surname project. However, genealogy testing for a larger group purpose, such as the Melungeons, poses some unique challenges.

As the DNA advisor for the Melungeon DNA projects, I would like to take this opportunity to discuss DNA testing, the various types of tests, how they work and why they are important to the Melungeon Historical Society and research process as well as to the personal genealogical research of each participant.

Before discussing how DNA works, let’s first talk about the kinds of questions we would like to attempt to answer by using various types of DNA testing.

1. Are the individuals of the same last name living in the primary Melungeon “home area” of Hancock and Hawkins County (and other very nearby locations) related on their paternal ancestral line? This means, for example, are all of the various Collins families (by way of example) from a common male ancestor?

2. Are the various individuals in this area related to the same maternal lines? This means are there “founding mothers” of this group? This is an important question because in both African and Native American cultures, families were matrilineal in nature, meaning that the surnames could be the same, from the mother, but the fathers in that social culture could be different.

3. How much truth is there to the various reports of African, Native American and Portuguese ancestry within the descendant families? Which families are admixed and can we determine the source of that admixture?

4. Can we tell, using DNA, the source of the Melungeons as a population group? Is the source of the entire group the same, or are there different subgroups? Can we eliminate or lend support to any of the proposed theories, such as shipwrecked sailors, descendants of the Lost Colony, “white Indians”, and others?

5. Can we connect the genealogy of the individuals, the documented historical records of the families, the recorded history of the areas where they are found in the earliest records and along the migration path to Hawkins/Hancock and the DNA to create an answer to the question, “who were the Melungeons and where did they come from”?

6. Are other groups, such as the Redbones, Brass Ankles, Carmel Indians, Salyersville Indians, Lumbee, Saponi and others, specifically other similar tri-racial isolate groups, related to the Melungeons, and if so, how? Perhaps in some cases the proper question is “are the Melungeons and these groups descended from common ancestors”, and of so, who, when and where?

Other questions may arise from the answers, such as “if your surname matches a core Melungeon surname, and your DNA matches as well, but your genealogy does not take you back to Hawkins/Hancock, are you a Melungeon”? These kinds of social and identity questions are not DNA-related questions and it is not my goal to address these kinds of issues.

Let’s take a look at how DNA testing works and the various types of DNA testing available in the market today and how they can address the various Melungeon scientific questions we have set forth above.
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The Lost Colony Research and DNA Group website

Our Mission

Our Mission....Is to gather as much data as possible to prove that at least some of the colonists did in fact survive as has been suggested by numerous historical accounts, possibly having assimilated into the indigenous tribes of the area or having been taken captive, or both. As the various tribes moved inland, the colonists would have moved with them. If the colonists were enslaved, they could have been sold or traded and not remained as a group, being scattered to various locations.

Our research group will be working to connect the genealogies with the historical records and genetic results from individuals who are likely candidates to be descendants of the Lost Colonists. We have assembled names of interest that are compiled from the Lost Colony settlers and also from the early families found in the areas where the colonists are believed to have settled. Early land transactions and grants reference individuals with many of these last names as Indians.

Possible candidates to be connected to the Lost Colony come from the following groups of individuals:

1. Those who have any of the surnames of interest and whose genealogy ends abruptly early in Eastern VA or NC.
2. Those who connect via any of these surnames to the British Isles.
3. Those whose family has an oral history of being connected to the Lost Colony.
4. Those with Native American heritage from Eastern or early NC or VA.

General Information: restes@comcast.net
Webmaster: nelda_percival@hotmail.com

I'm using Nelda's original artwork in this blog, this site is the foremost website for Lost Colony research.

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From Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Voyages of the English Nation, III (1600).

The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask, in 36 degr. and one third, in fiue fadom water, three leagues from the shore. At our first comming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the Ile Roanoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587, which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England.
The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore, & Captaine Cooke, & Captain Spicer, & their company with me, with intent to passe to the place at Roanoak where our countreymen were left. At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden, and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot, to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people. This was accordingly performed, & our twoe boats put off vnto the shore, in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine, eight, and seuen fadome: but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes: we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first: but it was much further from the harbour where we landed, then we supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke. But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke, we found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drinke. Being thus wearied with this iourney we returned to the harbour where we left our boates, who in our absence had brought their caske a shore for fresh water, so we deferred our going to Roanoak vntill the next morning, and caused some of those saylers to digge in those sandie hilles for fresh water whereof we found very sufficient. That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our whole company in safety.
The next morning being the 17 of August, our boates and company were prepared againe to goe vp to Roanoak, but Captaine Spicer had then sent his boat ashore for fresh water, by meanes whereof it was ten of the clocke aforenoone before we put from our ships which were then come to an anker within two miles of the shore. The Admirals boat was halfe way toward the shore, when Captaine Spicer put off from his ship. The Admirals boat first passed the breach, but not without some danger of sinking, for we had a sea brake into our boat which filled vs halfe full of water, but by the will of God and carefull styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe ashore, sauing onely that our furniture, victuals match and powder were much wet and spoyled. For at this time the winde blue at Northeast and direct into the harbour so great a gale, that the Sea brake extremely on the barre, and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance. By that time our Admirals boate was halled ashore, and most of our things taken out to dry, Captaine Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mast standing vp, and was halfe passed ouer, but by the rash and vndiscreet styrage of Ralph Skinner his Masters mate, a very dangerous Sea brake into their boate and ouerset them quite, the men kept the boat some in it, and some hanging on it, but the next sea set the boat on ground, where it beat so, that some of them were forced to let goe their hold, hoping to wade ashore, but the Sea still beat them downe, so that they could neither stand nor swimme, and the boat twise or thrise was turned the keele vpward; whereon Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung vntill they sunke, & seene no more. But foure that could swimme a litle kept themselues in deeper water and were saued by Captain Cookes meanes, who so soone as he saw their ouersetting, stripped himselfe, and foure other that could swimme very well, & with all haste possible rowed vnto them, & saued foure. They were a 11 in all, & 7 of the chiefest were drowned, whose names were Edward Spicer, Ralph Skinner, Edward Kelley, Thomas Beuis, Hance the Surgion, Edward Kelborne, Robert Coleman. This mischance did so much discomfort the saylers, that they were all of one mind not to goe any further to seeke the planters. But in the end by the commandement & perswasion of me and Captaine Cooke, they prepared the boates: and seeing the Captaine and me so resolute, they seemed much more willing. Our boates and all things fitted againe, we put off from Hatorask, being the number of 19 persons in both boates: but before we could get to the place, where our planters were left, it was so exceeding darke, that we ouershot the place a quarter of a mile: there we espied towards the North end of the Iland ye light of a great fire thorow the woods, to the which we presently rowed: when wee came right ouer against it, we let fall our Grapnel neere the shore, & sounded with a trumpet a Call, & afterwardes many familiar English tunes of Songs, and called to them friendly; but we had no answere, we therefore landed at day-breake, and comming to the fire, we found the grasse & sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Iland directly ouer against Dasamongwepeuk, & from thence we returned by the water side, round about the Northpoint of the Iland, vntill we came to the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586. In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Saluages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden yt night, and as we entred vp the sandy banke vpon a tree, in the very browe thereof were curiously carued these faire Romane letters C R O: which letters presently we knew to signifie the place, where I should find the planters seated, according to a secret token agreed vpon betweene them & me at my last departure from them, which was, that in any wayes they should not faile to write or carue on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated; for at my comming away they were prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine. Therefore at my departure from them in Anno 1587 I willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carue ouer the letters or name, a Crosse in this forme, but we found no such signe of distresse. And hauing well considered of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken downe, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like, and one of the chiefe trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off, and 5. foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was grauen CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse; this done, we entred into the palisado, where we found many barres of Iron, two pigges of Lead, foure yron fowlers, Iron sacker-shotte, and such like heauie things, throwen here and there, almost ouergrowen with grasse and weedes. From thence wee went along by the water side, towards the poynt of the Creeke to see if we could find any of their botes or Pinnisse, but we could perceiue no signe of them, nor any of the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left with them, at my departure from them. At our returne from the Creeke, some of our Saylers meeting vs, tolde vs that they had found where diuers chests had bene hidden, and long sithence digged vp againe and broken vp, and much of the goods in them spoyled and scattered about, but nothing left, of such things as the Sauages knew any vse of, vndefaced. Presently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the ende of an olde trench, made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas: wheere wee found fiue Chests, that had been carefully hidden of the Planters, and of the same chests three were my owne, and about the place many of my things spoyled and broken, and my bookes torne from the couers, the frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne, and my armour almost eaten through with rust; this could bee no other but the deede of the Sauages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan; and assoone as they were departed, digged vp euery place where they suspected any thing to be buried: but although it much grieued me to see such spoyle of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly ioyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was borne, and the Sauages of the Iland our friends.
When we had seene in this place so much as we could, we returned to our Boates, and departed from the shoare towards our Shippes, with as much speede as we could: For the weather beganne to ouercast, and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue. Therefore the same Euening with much danger and labour, we got our selues aboard, by which time the winde and seas were so greatly risen, that wee doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely holde vntill Morning; wherefore the Captaine caused the Boate to be manned with fiue lusty men, who could swimme all well, and sent them to the little Iland on the right hand of the Harbour, to bring aboard sixe of our men, who had filled our caske with fresh water: the Boate the same night returned aboard with our men, but all our Caske ready filled they left behinde, vnpossible to bee had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boates; for this night prooued very stormie and foule.
The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe, with the Master and others, to wey anchor, and goe for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were: for that then the winde was good for that place, and also to leaue that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland vntill our returne. So then they brought the cable to the Capston, but when the anchor was almost apecke, the Cable broke, by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor, wherewith we droue so fast into the shoare, that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor; which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts: so that wee were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende. And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a chanell of deeper water, closer by the shoare then wee accompted of, wee could neuer have gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mounts. Being thus cleare of some dangers, and gotten into deeper waters, but not without some losse; for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left vs of foure, and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler; our victuals scarse, and our caske and fresh water lost: it was therefore determined that we should goe for Saint Iohn or some other Iland to the Southward for fresh water. And it was further purposed, that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries, either at Hispaniola, Sant Iohn, or Trynidad, that then wee should continue in the Indies all the Winter following, with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one, and at our returne to visit our countrymen at Virginia. The captaine and the whole company in the Admirall (with my earnest petitions) thereunto agreed, so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the Moonelight our consort would doe herein. But when we demanded them if they would accompany vs in that new determination, they alleged that their weake and leake Shippe was not able to continue it; wherefore the same night we parted, leauing the Moone-light to goe directly for England, and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad, which course we kept two dayes.
On the 28. the winde changed, and it was sette on foule weather euery way: but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest, and blewe so forcibly, that wee were able to beare no sayle, but our forecourse halfe mast high, wherewith wee ranne vpon the winde perforce, the due course for England, for that wee were dryuen to change our first determination for Trynidad, and stoode for the Ilands of Acores, where wee purposed to take in fresh water, and also there hoped to meete with some English men of warre about those Ilands, at whose hands wee might obtaine some supply of our wants. . . .
The 2. of October in the Morning we saw S. Michaels Iland on our Starre board quarter.
The 23. at 10. of the clocke afore noone, we saw Vshant in Britaigne.
On Saturday the 24. we came in safetie, God be thanked, to an anker at Plymmouth.

Indian Slavery in Colonial Times Within the Present Limits of the United States.

Author: Lauber, Almon Wheeler
Citation: New York: Columbia University, 1913

IN all sections where captives in war or kidnapped Indians were purchased from the natives, such buying was closely connected with the fur trade. The general fickleness and instability of the Indian’s character, which caused the tribes to change their allegiance so readily from one white race to the other, made easy the acquisition of slaves along with other commodities. The routes along which the fur trade was carried on facilitated both the acquisition of Indians and their transportation to the markets. And the fact that furs and the agricultural products of the south were not commodities that competed with English wares eliminated opposition to the traffic in Indians.¹

Throughout the region of the Mississippi Valley and the Great Lakes the “coureurs de bois” collected furs and purchased slaves,² both of which they sold to Carolina traders at the mouth of the Mississippi River, and in some cases they went to the Carolinas directly to effect their sales.³ Throughout the Carolinas, the Mississippi and Illinois country and the west, the fur and Indian trade was heavy. By 1720 the Carolina fur trade had reached very large dimensions, and the trade in Indians had developed proportionally, so that at “set times of the year” a flourishing

1 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 126. 2 Margry, op. cit., vi, p. 316. 3 Ibid., v, pp. 178, 354, 360, 361; Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, xvi, p. 332.

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business in “dressed deer skins, furs and young Indian slaves” was carried on by the traders.¹

In the Carolinas the custom of purchasing their prisoners from the friendly Indians, the holding of these captives in the colony as slaves, or, possibly, their subsequent sale to the West India islands, existed almost from the beginning of the colony.² But the proprietors, anxious to cultivate the friendship of the Indians, forbade, in the temporary laws sent out to Governor Sayle in 1671, that any Indian on any pretext whatever be made a slave, or without his own consent be carried out of the country.³

Yet the traffic in Indians continued. The adventurous nature of the settlers,⁴ combined with the need for laborers which could be partially supplied by the use of Indians at home or by the negroes for whom they could be readily exchanged in the islands, and coupled with the attraction of good prices which the Indians brought when sold for cash, induced both planters and government officials to enter largely into the trade.

1 South Carolina Historical Society Collections, v, pp. 166, 460-462; Narratives of Early Carolina (Woodward’s relation of his Westo voyage), p. 133, in Original Narratives of Early American History; Calendar of State Papers, colonial series, vii, p. 634. One of the instruments of supply was the Cherokee. Thomas, The Indians of North America, etc., p. 96; Logan, The History of Upper Carolina, i, p. 174. 2 In 1666 Robert Sanford, secretary of the proprietors, made a voyage from Cape Fear to Port Royal and reported to the proprietors that the Indians of that section were anxious for friendship with the whites “notwithstanding we . . . had killed and sent away many of them.” Robert Sanford’s Relation of his Voyage in 1666, in Charleston Year Book, 1885, p. 292. 3 Rivers, A Sketch of the History of South Carolina, etc., appendix, p. 353; Journal of the Grand Council of South Carolina, August 25, 1671—June 24, 1680, p. 84. 4 For the character of the Carolina settlers, see McCrady, The History of South Carolina under the Royal Government, pp. 297-298.

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To supply the ever-increasing demand for Indian slaves, the tribes of the south and southwest constantly preyed upon each other. The matter of international rivalry also entered largely into the policy of the Carolinians. The Indians of the south and west were divided in their allegiance to the three white races, Spanish, French and English. Each of these three nations sought not only to win and hold the allegiance of as many of the tribes as possible, but also to use these tribes to strike at its rival’s allies, and the readiness with which the English, especially, bought the captives for slaves served to keep up a continuous series of depredations of tribe upon tribe.¹

The Westo, an important tribe on the southern border of South Carolina, furnished a number of such captives during the latter part of the eighteenth century in spite of their two treaties made with the proprietors, 1677 and 1678, in which they promised not to prey upon the smaller and weaker tribes who were friends and allies of the English.² In 1693, the Cherokee sent a delegation to Governor Smith of South Carolina to complain of the Esaw, Congaree, and Savannah who were preying upon those tribes and selling the captives thus obtained as slaves to the English. The Savannah, like the Westo, were so acting in violation of their treaty by which they agreed not to molest neighboring tribes.³ In 1706, English Indian allies attacked Pensacola

1 Rivers, op. cit., p. 126, holds that but little credit can be given to the assertion that the colonists instigated the tribes against each other for the purpose of trading in their captives. Hewat, op. cit., i, pp. 126-127, asserts that the colonists early found out the usefulness to this end of setting one tribe of Indians against another. Lawson, The History of Carolina, etc., p. 325, tells of the Coranine Indians inviting the Machapunga Indians to a feast, taking them prisoners and selling them to the English. 2 Rivers, op. cit., p. 126; Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 127. 3 Hewat, op. cit., i, p. 127.

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and carried off members of the Apalachee tribe for sale as slaves.¹ On July 10, 1708, Thomas Maine, an agent of the general assembly of South Carolina, reported to that body that the Talapoosa and the Chickasaw, incited by the good prices which the traders offered them for captives, were engaged in making slaves of the Indians on the lower Mississippi who were subject to the French. In this instance one finds the usual excuse given by the English in such cases: “some men think it both serves to lessen their number before the French can arm them, and it is a more effective way of civilizing and instructing them than all the efforts used by the French missionaries”.²

The French asserted that the policy of the English of Carolina in setting one Indian tribe against another was a part of their plan for driving the French from Louisiana and the Mississippi River country.³ The process of obtaining Indian slaves through trade was, then, a part of a great political contest. The alliance of the leading tribes, such as the Chickasaw and the Choctaw, meant much to both English and French from the territorial and the commercial standpoints. In consequence, no effort was spared by either of the white races to obtain a dominating influence over these tribes in order to use them for their own benefit. This benefit consisted largely of the gain in trade both in furs and slaves. The French sought to dissolve this friendship by telling the Chickasaw that the English were only seeking to destroy them by having them wage war for slaves, and that when they were sufficiently weakened by war the English would fall upon them and sell them all as slaves.⁴

1 French, op. cit., pt. iii, p. 36. 2 Public Records of South Carolina, 1706-1710, p. 197; B. P. R. O., vol. 620. 3 Winsor, The Mississippi Basin, etc., p. 133. The English in their turn accused the French of pillaging the traders. 4 Margry, op. cit., iv, pp. 406, 507, 516.

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News Release, University of Buffalo

Similarity of Funeral Rites Among English Settlers and the Carolina Algonquin Is Topic of October "Scholars at Muse" Lecture

Release Date: October 8, 2008

BUFFALO, N.Y. -- "Scholars at Muse," the popular new lecture series presented by the University at Buffalo Humanities Institute and the Buffalo arts group riverrun, will continue on Oct. 10 at 4 p.m. in the Muse Restaurant of the Albright Knox Art Gallery.

This month's lecture, part of Gusto at the Gallery, is "Death in the New World: Cross-Cultural Encounters, 1492-1800," by Erik Seeman, associate professor of history at UB.

Seeman will examine the intense cross-cultural encounters of Europeans, Africans and American Indians in the New World, through the lens of death.

When encountering unfamiliar "others," all three groups were struck by the similarities between their deathways and those of the strangers.

These parallels facilitated cross-cultural communication although that knowledge was ironically used toward exploitative ends. Focusing on the "Lost Colony" of Roanoke, Va., the lecture will explore the surprising similarities between English and Carolina Algonquian funerals.

"Scholars at Muse," is a series of eight unusual lectures by award winning research fellows of the UB Humanities Institute. They will be presented through April. Lectures are free and open to the public.

The Muse restaurant will be open after the lecture for dinner. Full program information is available at http://humanitiesinstitute.buffalo.edu and http://riverrunbuffalo.org. Seating is limited.

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American Philosophical Society

The American Philosophical Society Library is a major national center for research in the history of the sciences, medicine, and technology. With its roots extending back to the founding of the Society in 1743, it houses over 300,000 volumes and bound periodicals, eight million manuscripts, 100,000 images, and thousands of hours of audio tape.

The Library is comprised of three departments: Printed Materials (housing books, periodicals, broadsides, and other printed works), Manuscripts (housing manuscript materials, photographs, and many works of art on paper), and Conservation (responsible for the physical preservation and conservation of all library materials). Each of the departments contributes to putting up a regular rotation of exhibits based on the Library collection. Mounted in the entrance hall to the Library, exhibits are open to the public free of charge during regular operating hours.
Among the many extraordinary books in the collections of printed materials are first editions of Sir Isaac Newton's Principia, Charles Darwin's Origin of Species, a presentation copy of Thomas Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia, the elephant folio of Audubon's Birds of North America (for which the A.P.S. was an original subscriber), as well as a majority of Benjamin Franklin imprints and a significant portion of Franklin's personal library.

The Library's manuscript collections include a vast range of materials covering such topics as eighteenth-century natural history, American Indian linguistics and culture, nuclear physics, computer development, and medical science.

The Library is among the premier institutions in the nation for documenting the history of genetics and eugenics, the study of natural history in the 18th and 19th centuries, quantum mechanics, and the development of cultural anthropology in America.
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Return To Ronoake

John White (1590)
From Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Voyages of the English Nation, III (1600)

The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask, in 36 degr. and one third, in fiue fadom water, three leagues from the shore. At our first comming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the Ile Roanoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587, which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England.
The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore, & Captaine Cooke, & Captain Spicer, & their company with me, with intent to passe to the place at Roanoak where our countreymen were left. At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden, and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot, to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people. This was accordingly performed, & our twoe boats put off vnto the shore, in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine, eight, and seuen fadome: but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes: we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first: but it was much further from the harbour where we landed, then we supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke. But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke, we found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drinke. Being thus wearied with this iourney we returned to the harbour where we left our boates, who in our absence had brought their caske a shore for fresh water, so we deferred our going to Roanoak vntill the next morning, and caused some of those saylers to digge in those sandie hilles for fresh water whereof we found very sufficient. That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our whole company in safety.
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