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Monday, March 23, 2009

Among the Tuscarora: The Strange and Mysterious Death of John Lawson

Hat Tip: Tari


Marjorie Hudson, Among the Tuscarora: The Strange and Mysterious Death of John Lawson, Gentleman, Explorer, and Writer, North Carolina Literary Review, 1992

Text and Image(s) from Journal Article

[page 62]

AMONG THE TUSCARORA

THE Strange AND Mysterious Death Of

John Lawson

GENTLEMAN, EXPLORER, AND WRITER











[Image from the North Carolina State Archives, Division of Archives and History]

The death of John Lawson, a drawing by Baron Cristoph Von Graffenried


by Marjorie Hudson


They've taken his clothes, picked the straight razor out of his pocket: one brave fingers it, touches the blade - bright blood springs from his thumb and he laughs. The pitch pine split by the women is ready, a clay pot full of splinters, and now, one by one, the women thread these needles into his flesh, pushing just hard enough to bring the blood, to press past the strange white skin to the devil underneath. The man stands quiet at first. Then he begins to scream.

In 1711, the Tuscarora Indians of North Carolina murdered John Lawson, sticking him all over with pitch pine splinters before setting him ablaze. At the time, Lawson may have been the best English friend the Tuscarora had. From his first encounters, he seems clearly to have respected them. And in his writings, he lauded their natural graces, admired their courage, and blamed his fellow Englishmen for their destruction.

Lawson's death was only the opening act of "the most deadly Indian war in North Carolina history" (Lefler and Newsome 27). When it ended in 1713, the Tuscarora as Lawson knew them were no more. Today, Lawson's book, A New Voyage to Carolina, remains our most reliable record of the Tuscarora and the other Indians of Carolina's Coastal Plain and Piedmont; his journals captured those cultures in prose just before they were wiped clean from their rivers and creekside settlements, leaving the rich soil salted with arrowheads that emerge in cottonfields after rain. To this day, farmers pick them up, slip them in their pockets, and ruminate over them, as if they are pieces of some compelling but unsolvable puzzle.

In May 1700, John Lawson, filled with the spirit of adventure, set sail for the New World, heading for North Carolina on the advice of a world traveler he had met by chance in England. By December, he had somehow garnered an assignment from the Lords Proprietors to survey the unknown lands of the Carolina interior. As he traveled, he collected plant specimens for a London botanist; he also kept a journal describing the New World plants and wildlife. Lawson wrote about them in such lush detail it's not surprising that a later plagiarism of his journal was entitled "The Newly Discovered Eden." But his most compelling records are those describing Eden's native inhabitants.

Gary Snyder says that when early explorers confronted wilderness and natural societies, they "had to give up something of themselves: they had to look into their own sense of what it meant to be a human being" (13). What he calls "the etiquette of the wild" requires that we "learn the terrain, nod to all the plants and animals and birds, ford the streams and cross the ridges, and tell a good story when we get back home" (24). Surely John Lawson did that; nearly three centuries after its publication, his story still makes fascinating reading, as it opens up for us the mysteries of the first North Carolinians.

Lawson treats the Carolina Indians in two sections of his book. In the first, a narrative of his first walking trip through North and South Carolina, he introduces readers to successive nations as he encounters them. In his journal entries, each nation is freshly revealed as a discrete social and political unit, with physical differences, special foods and ceremonies, clothing and housing, tall tales and superstitions. In his last section, he lumps together these distinct nations into a general portrait, "An Account of the Indians of North Carolina," in which he draws from his eight years of continued study and travel from his new home in eastern North Carolina.

[Page 64]

On 28 December 1700, Lawson set off from Charleston, South Carolina on his 59-day pilgrimage into the heart of the Carolina frontier. He traveled light. Packed into a single huge canoe was all of his equipment - guns, powder, some food, a religious tract, his journal, blankets trinkets for trading - and all of his crew: a party of five Englishmen, three Indian men, and one Indian woman.

Lawson seems to have been the kind of fellow who pops out of the bedroll raring to go, rain or shine. On at least one occasion, he was ready two hours before his Indian guide. He rarely stopped to rest, leaving slowpokes to catch up as best they could at the end of the day. The group covered, on foot or in canoes, an average of 10 to 20 miles a day - 30 on a good day. They never lingered long, stopping a day or two at an Indian town, visiting and feasting with the chief, trading a bit, hunting up some food and a new guide, then traveling on. Between settlements, they camped out in the woods, dining alfresco, often on turkey or opossum stew. For "a thousand miles" (more like 500 as the crow flies), they followed rivers and trading paths, from the South Carolina coast to the Piedmont of North Carolina, in a crescent-shaped trail that eventually turned back east toward the ocean, concluding between Washington and Bath, by the Pamlico River. For virtually every river Lawson encountered, he also found an Indian nation with its own ruler and customs; often the nation would bear that river's name. The Santee, the Congaree, the Wateree, the Waxhaw, the Catawba, the Eno, the Meherrin, the Neuse, the Sapona, and the Pamlico - all were nations as well as waterways.

Lawson's reaction to the amazing peoples he encounters is remarkably respectful for his own time and culture. He shows particular interest in Indian food, social mores, marriage customs, burial practices, and medicine men. He compares the demure Indian wives' ways favorably to those of some sharp-tongued Englishwomen; he finds sexual etiquette among a number of tribes amusing but oddly sensible. Marriage, divorce, and sexual favors are generally matters of mutual consent; the women are sexually liberated. He calls the religious men outrageous liars, yet painstakingly records their useful herbs and cures as well as the strange phenomena they claim to control. The Waxhaw, Catawba, and Sapona nations seem to impress him the most. For the Tuscarora, he shows a wry sympathy and a healthy respect.


Full Article Here:

http://digital.lib.ecu.edu/exhibits/lawson/htmlFiles/TUSC.html


Related:

http://the-lost-colony.blogspot.com/search?q=john+lawson



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Sunday, March 22, 2009

ROYAL or COLONIAL PLATS on LITTLE PEE DEE RIVER

Province of South Carolina

Contributed by Jo Church Dickerson, 1998.


Marion County, South Carolina

Genealogy & History

Regarding the information in the list below: The first name is the person in whose name the plat was recorded; the description is part of that given in the plat itself - the date is the date of recording, not the date of the survey; the final series of numbers is the Archives numbering system for locating the plat. It refers to the record series, the volume, the page number, and the item number on that page. You will need all of these if ordering the plat. If you find an error, please bring it to my attention.--Jo

SINCLAIR, James;

plat for 450a in Craven Co; 1735/02/24

0009 003 0003 00075 00

BREMAR, Mrs. Elizabeth;

plat for 1000a in Craven Co; 1735/03/23

0009 003 0002 00113 01

BREMAR, Mrs. Elizabeth;

plat for 1000a in Craven Co; 1735/03/23

0009 003 0002 00113 02

DANIEL, John;

plat for 650a in Craven Co; 1735/03/23

0009 003 0002 00191 02

HESKELL, George;

plat for 500a in Craven Co; 1735/03/24

0009 003 0002 00314 01

SANDIFORD, John;

plat for 550a in Craven Co; 1735/03/25

0009 003 0003 00124 01

ATKIN, Joseph;

plat for 412a in Craven Co; 1735/5/30

0009 003 0002 00353 02

SMITH, Christopher;

plat for 415a in Craven Co; 1735/06/15

0009 003 0003 00030 00 (sic)

ROBINSON, Joseph;

plat for 350a in Craven Co; 1735/06/16

0009 003 0003 00248 02

TALLEY, Alexander;

plat for 300a in Craven Co; 1735/06/17

0009 003 0003 00142 01

MAZYCK, Isaac Jr;

plat for 230a in Craven Co; 1735/08/15

0009 003 0003 00342 01

NERI, Peter Francis;

plat for 500a in Craven Co; 1735/11/01

0009 003 0003 00337 00

POOLE, William;

plat for 500a in Craven Co; 1735/11/03

0009 003 0003 00274 01

HAMMERTON, John;

plat for 1000a in Kingston Township; 1735/11/08

0009 003 0002 00313 02

CROCKAT, James;

plat for 500a in Craven Co; 1735/11/09

0009 003 0002 00088 02

RAMSEY, William;

plat for 350a in Craven Co; 1736/01/07

0009 003 0002 00518 01

SERRE, Noah;

plat for 1047a in Craven co; 1736/03/10

0009 003 0003 00048 00

ROBINSON, Joseph;

plat for 400a in Craven Co; 1736/03/26

0009 003 0003 00480 00

BOWMAN, Samuel;

plat for 135oa in Craven Co; 1736/03/26

0009 003 0004 00134 02

MANIGAULT, Gabriel;

plat for 1250a in Craven Co; 1736/03/27

0009 003 0002 00447 01

HORRY, Elias Jr.;

plat for 524a in Craven Co; 1736/04/08

0009 003 0002 00308? 01

JORDAN, John;

plat for 200a in Craven Co; 1736 /11/10

0009 003 0003 00452 01

ROCHE, Jordan;

plat for 1000a in Craven Co; 1736/11/19

0009 003 0003 00258 00

ARTHUR, John;

plat for 400a in Queensborough Towhship; 1736/12/17

0009 003 0002 00172 01

JOULLY, John;

plat for 400a in Queensborough Township; 1736/12/17

0009 003 0003 00446 01

FORSTER, Arthur;

plat for 800a in Craven Co; 1737/05/02

0009 003 0002 00292 01

ATKINSON, Anthony;

plat for 1000a in Craven Co; 1737/05/26

0009 003 0002 00351 01

HUGHES, Meredith;

plat for 1000a in Craven Co; 1737/05/26

0009 003 0002 00416 02

SCREVEN, Elisha;

plat for 850a in Craven Co; 1737/06/22

0009 003 0002 00487 01

OWEN, John;

plat for 900a in Craven Co; 1737/06/22

0009 003 0003 00309 02

FORD, Nathaniel;

plat for 350a in Craven Co; 1737/07/15

0009 003 0004 00113 02

HORRY, Daniel;

plat for 300a in Craven Co; 1737/09/03

0009 003 0002 00316 01

HORRY, Daniel;

plat for 825a in Craven Co; 1737/09/04

0009 003 0003 00498 01

HEXT, Edward;

plat for 1000a in Craven Co; 1737/11/07

0009 003 0002 00333 02

BARTON, John;

plat for 600a in Craven Co; 1737/11/11

0009 003 0004 00137 01

HEXT, Edward;

plat for 250a in Craven Co; 1737/11/18

0009 003 0002 00418 01

BROCKINGTON, Capt. William;

plat for 250a in Craven Co; 1737/11/18

0009 003 0004 00130 01

WATIES, William;

plat for 350a in Craven Co; 1739/12/14

0009 003 0004 00094 00

GIBSON, Gideon;

plat for 450a in Craven Co; 1748/04/13

0009 003 0004 00510 01


(note from History Chasers, there are more names listed)


This is from the Marion County, South Carolina

Genealogy & History website, read more HERE



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Tuesday, March 10, 2009

Virtual Jamestown
















Virtual Jamestown is an excellent site with a lot of information for researchers in the area. This page is titled, The Practice of Slavery.

The following selections use selected excerpts from wills, deeds, and the recorded minutes of the Virginia Assembly and Council to illustrate the treatment of African slaves and Native American servants and slaves in Virginia during the seventeenth century. The documents also reveal that relations between English and Africans had a degree of fluidity during the seventeenth century as Virginia developed into a society where race, instead of status, determined one's place in the social hierarchy.

Find the selections here.

Here is a page of Laws.

Find the home page here.


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Monday, March 9, 2009

Speech by Powhatan, as recorded by John Smith, 1609

Why will you take by force what you may obtain by love? Why will you destroy us who supply you with food? What can you get by war? . . . We are unarmed, and willing to give you what you ask, if you come in a friendly manner. . . .

I am not so simple as not to know it is better to eat good meat, sleep comfortably, live quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merry with the English, and being their friend, trade for their copper and hatchets, than to run away from them. . . .

Take away your guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy, or you may die in the same manner.






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Saturday, March 7, 2009

A Search for the Roanoke Colonists

In January 1608 the King of the Pasbehay and two Englishmen ventured into the territory on the south side of the James River, to search for survivors from the colony Sir Walter Raleigh had attempted to plant on Roanoke Island in the 1580s. Captain John Smith also sent out a search party. He said that in December 1608 he had tested the loyalty of the King of the Warreskoyack Indians by asking him to provide two guides to accompany Michael Sicklemore on a journey southward to look for the Roanoke colonists. Smith reported that the river Sicklemore saw "was not great, the people few," and that nothing was learned about the lost colonists (Smith 1910:410, 449, 474; Strachey 1953:91).

However, in 1609 Virginia Company official instructed incoming Governor Thomas Gates to make another search, for they believed that four English colonists would be found who had "escaped from the slaughter of Powhatan of Roanocke, upon the first arrival of our Colonie and live under the proteccon of a wiroane [weorwance] called Gepanocon enemy to Powhatan" (Kingsbury 1906-1935:III:17). Samuel Purchas, whose four volumes entitled Purchas His Pilgrimes or Hakluytus Posthomous, were published in 1624, said that Nathaniel Powell and Anas Todkill, accompanied by Quiyoughquohanock guides, were sent southward to search for surviving colonists. He added that they returned with the report that Sir Walter Raleigh's people were all dead. In the margin of his text, Purchas, who indicated that he had use of Captain John Smith's written notes, said that "Powhatan confessed that hee had bin at the mirder of that colonie and shewed to Captain Smith a musket barrel and brasse mortar and certain peeces of Iron which had been theirs" (Purchas 1624:1691, 1728). The chart generally known as the Zuniga map (1608) contains several notations that relate to the whereabouts of the Roanoke colonists. One is the site where "the king of Paspahegh reported our men to be and went to se[e]."

continue


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Sunday, February 22, 2009

Sir Walter Ralegh's Indian Interpreters, 1584–1618

SEVERAL Native Americans who journeyed to England during the colonial era have enjoyed scholarly and even popular attention: Manteo, the Roanoke colonists' interpreter-guide; Squanto, the Pilgrims' "spetiall instrument"; Pocahontas, the Virginia colony's fabled and often fictionalized Powhatan princess; and several well-publicized eighteenth-century diplomatic delegates to London, including Tomochichi of the Yamacraws and Thayendanegea (Joseph Brant) of the Mohawks. 1 Almost entirely overlooked are many other Indian voyagers to the east, including those from North and South America who crossed the Atlantic between 1584 and 1618 under the direct or indirect aegis of Sir Walter Ralegh. During those thirty-five years, perhaps twenty American natives under his sponsorship were in England to receive instruction in the English language and to impart knowledge useful for colonial enterprises. Most of Ralegh's Indian recruits sooner or later returned to their homelands, where many played key roles in England's early overseas ventures. 1

Because the historical records of late Tudor-early Stuart England are woefully incomplete, sometimes confusing, and occasionally contradictory, no precise enumeration of the Indians under Ralegh's nominal control who traveled to England is possible. A tentative roster includes six or more from Roanoke Island and the lower Chesapeake Bay between1584 and 1603 , of whom only Manteo has received much attention. The stories of twelve or more natives of Guiana and Trinidad who made the journey between1594 and 1618 are barely known, although these diverse and generally long-lived travelers must have been more visible and notable in England than many of the Indians who attract greater historical attention. At least three of the South American natives were from ruling families; one returned home to assume the tribe's leadership at his father's death. Several had extensive stays in London--the longest for fourteen years--often lodging in Ralegh's mansion on the Thames. After returning to their homelands, several English-trained Indians provided crucial aid to later expeditions into Guiana, sometimes saving Englishmen, including Ralegh, from almost certain death. After his incarceration in1603 , two or more Guiana natives attended Ralegh in the Tower of London. The last of the Guianans he took to England witnessed his beheading. By the time King James contrived Ralegh's execution, that swashbuckling knight--far better known to posterity for battling Irishmen and Spaniards than for educating and employing Indians--had initiated and fostered the practice of transporting American natives to England, training them to speak English, introducing them to Anglican Christianity, assuring their return to America, and reaping tangible benefits from their support of England's imperial ventures. 2

Language, Ralegh seems to have recognized from the outset, was an essential instrument of empire.2 Without communication between his explorers and colonists, on the one hand, and the natives of Roanoke and Guiana, on the other, viable English outposts would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to maintain, as would be effective exploration and exploitation of native territory. Ralegh and his linguistically talented friend Thomas Hariot accordingly implemented indoctrination in English speech and customs gentle enough for most of his interpreter-guides to develop lasting loyalty to Sir Walter and his nation. Roanoke native Wanchese excepted, they were not Calibans whose profit from language instruction was knowing how to curse or whose maltreatment inspired rebellion; rather, in both Carolina and Guiana, Ralegh's Indians appear to have been conscientious translators and staunch allies to his own and his agents' subsequent expeditions. Even if, like most adult learners of a second language, his repatriated Indians' facility in English often faded in the absence of opportunities to speak it, they frequently aided the monolingual explorers who later visited their lands. Ralegh and Hariot were proficient schoolmasters.3

Alden T. Vaughan, "Sir Walter Ralegh's Indian Interpreters, 1584–1618," The William and Mary Quarterly April 2002 (22 Feb. 2009).
William and Mary Quarterly

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Tuesday, February 17, 2009

The Secrets of Lincoln's DNA




by Janet Crain

Those who are serious Lincoln scholars probably already knew and the rest of us who watched "The Plot to Steal Lincoln's Body" last night on the History Channel now know that Lincoln's body is buried under 10 feet of concrete. This was done after a serious attempt to steal his body which could have succeeded and following many years of subsequent paranoia and anxiousness on the part of the custodians of his remains. Therefore one would assume that his DNA is safe from a prying public whose inquiring minds want to know. But that is not the case. Not all of Lincoln's earthly remains lie under those tons of concrete.

Quite a bit of Abraham Lincoln's DNA was left behind if it can only be retrieved. There is blood, hair and bone fragments capable of yielding their secrets if approached in the right way. And if today's technology isn't up to the job, tomorrow's probably will be. Of equal importance to learning whether or not Lincoln actually suffered from one or more of the three serious genetic diseases long suspected, is the possible answer to two other enigmas. What was his ethnic origin and who really was his father? Many have refused to believed a lowly uneducated farmer such as Thomas Lincoln could be his biological father. While others have speculated that the Lincoln surname and his grandfather's given name, Abraham, suggest the paternal line was Jewish. Maybe the questions will all be answered in the future, if not soon, then later.



The Secrets of Lincoln's DNA

Come along with me, past all the bicentennial hoopla, to a quiet place north of the White House. Here, at the National Museum of Health and Medicine, you'll find a glass case housing the most incredible Lincoln memorabilia on the planet: the man himself. His blood on the cuff of a surgeon's shirt. Snippets of his chocolate brown hair. A handful of bone fragments removed from his skull.

Yes, Lincoln! Guess what that might mean? Lincoln's DNA! Scientists have been speculating about the president's health for decades. It's believed he had malaria, smallpox and depression. Syphilis has been debated. And there are hypotheses about three rare genetic disorders—Marfan syndrome, spinocerebellar ataxia 5 and multiple endocrine neoplasia 2B (MEN 2B). If scientists had access to Lincoln's DNA, might they be able to clarify the medical history of one of the world's greatest historical figures? Could they also sequence his entire genome, and perhaps trace his genealogical roots back to their origins? Should the 16th president's mortal remains be put to the test?

I'm not the first person to ask this question nor am I the first to think it's a very intriguing idea. As far back as 1991, a panel of experts gave scientists a "qualified green light" to test Lincoln's DNA for Marfan syndrome—decades after a physician proposed that the president might have had it. At the time, researchers decided it wasn't technically feasible to move forward, but genetic testing is far more sophisticated today.

Experts say it might be possible to extract chopped-up bits of DNA from these museum remnants, assemble them into the gene they're looking for, then make a diagnosis. There are, of course, considerable challenges: nobody knows whether there's enough DNA in good enough condition to do a gene test, or to do one conclusively. As for sequencing Lincoln's entire genome, "I don't think it's doable," says Dr. Philip Reilly, author of "Abraham Lincoln's DNA," because there are such small pieces left and there would likely be large gaps.

If Lincoln had ataxia 5, a neurological disorder, he'd have something in common with 90 relatives descended from his paternal aunt and uncle. University of Minnesotagenetics professor Laura Ranum says there's a 25 percent chance. If so, the president would be a great example of somebody overcoming physical challenges to achieve greatness, she says. She'd love to see a test. So would Josephine Grima, of the National Marfan Foundation. "It would help raise awareness exponentially," she says. "Like what Roosevelt did for polio."

Cont. here:

http://www.newsweek.com/id/184812

Cross Posted Here:
http://historical-melungeons.blogspot.com/2009/02/secrets-of-lincolns-dna.html




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Captain John Smith Set Out to Find the Lost Colonists

Captain John Smith

Portrait of Captain John Smith
Only 27 when he explored Chesapeake Bay, John Smith proved
himself an energetic and resourceful leader.

"There is but one entrance by sea into this country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly bay, 18 or 20 miles broad. The cape on the south is called Cape Henry, in honor of our most noble Prince. The land, white hilly sands like unto the Downs, and all along the shores rest plenty of pines and firs ... Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant places known, for large and pleasant navigable rivers, heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation..."

- Captain John Smith, 1612 Smith's Journey



The real Captain (a military rather than maritime title) John Smith arrived at the mouth of the Bay in 1607 after a lengthy and rather miserable voyage across the Atlantic. Taken prisoner under mutiny charges during the trip, he discovered that the King of England had designated Smith a member of the newly formed governing council of Jamestown. The first summer in Jamestown was dreadful, as many men died from disease and malnutrition. To escape the rivalries of the colony, find passage to the western ocean, discover gold and locate the colonists of the Lost Colony of Roanoke, Smith gathered 14 men for a voyage up the Chesapeake. Using only a "two to three tons burden" knock-down boat brought from England, the men set out on June 2, 1608

Cont. here:



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Saturday, February 14, 2009

Oral History Interviews with Family Members

Family Oral History Projects

I have been lecturing recently on the topic of “Oral History for the Genealogist.” When I get the opportunity, I like to ask my audience to give me their definition for “oral history.” I explain that lexicographers (dictionary compilers) generally create definitions from how the word is used in speech and writing. So, I tell the audience, they either can offer up a dictionary-like definition or give me an example of a genealogist, like themselves, engaging in “family oral history.” In social science research, this kind of definition is called an operational definition. Whether or not formally stated (such as in my little exercise), operational definitions greatly influence how we interpret our sources and our data.

I have received a variety of definitions, one which I want to discuss here. This definition is simply stated as: “Oral history is what you get from family when you ask them to tell you about your ancestors. It helps you find records.” What is interesting about this definition is the embedded assumption that family “oral history” is part of your early research, but has little additional value as your research matures into looking at written records.

I hope to correct a misconception about the “starting with family” advice given to most beginner genealogists. It’s not that I disagree with that advice. I support approaching family early in your research. However, the manner in which this advice is communicated suggests that once you have visited mom, Grandpa Jones or Aunt Mayzie—once you’ve gotten elders tell you the names and vitals of all the ancestors that they can recall—you can contentedly consign your living relatives back to holiday visits and the periodic phone call to catch up on current events. The fact that they might know more about the family genealogy than they initially provided just does not get the attention that I am convinced is warranted.

Cont. here:

http://sfgayle.wordpress.com/


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